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1 such
1. adjective, no compar. or superl.1) (of that kind) solch...such a person — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Mensch; ein solcher Mensch
such a book — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Buch; ein solches Buch
such things — so etwas
or some such thing — oder so etwas; oder etwas in der Art
you'll do no such thing — das wirst du nicht tun
there is no such bird — solch einen od. einen solchen Vogel gibt es nicht
experiences such as these — solche od. derartige Erfahrungen
I will take such steps as I think necessary — ich werde die Schritte unternehmen, die ich für notwendig halte
at such a moment as this — in einem Augenblick wie diesem; (disapproving) gerade jetzt
in such a case — in einem solchen od. (ugs.) so einem Fall
for or on such an occasion — zu einem solchen Anlass
such a one as he/she is impossible to replace — jemand wie er/sie ist unersetzlich
I got such a fright that... — ich bekam einen derartigen od. (ugs.) so einen Schrecken, dass...
such was the force of the explosion that... — die Explosion war so stark, dass...
3) with adj. so2. pronounshe has such lovely blue eyes — sie hat so schöne blaue Augen
as such — als solcher/solche/solches; (strictly speaking) im Grunde genommen; an sich
such as — wie [zum Beispiel]
* * *1. adjective1) (of the same kind as that already mentioned or being mentioned: Animals that gnaw, such as mice, rats, rabbits and weasels are called rodents; He came from Bradford or some such place; She asked to see Mr Johnson but was told there was no such person there; I've seen several such buildings; I've never done such a thing before; doctors, dentists and such people.) solch2) (of the great degree already mentioned or being mentioned: If you had telephoned her, she wouldn't have got into such a state of anxiety; She never used to get such bad headaches (as she does now).) derartig3) (of the great degree, or the kind, to have a particular result: He shut the window with such force that the glass broke; She's such a good teacher that the headmaster asked her not to leave; Their problems are such as to make it impossible for them to live together any more.) derartig4) (used for emphasis: This is such a shock! They have been such good friends to me!) solch2. pronoun(such a person or thing, or such persons or things: I have only a few photographs, but can show you such as I have; This isn't a good book as such (= as a book) but it has interesting pictures.) der/die/das, solch- academic.ru/71813/suchlike">suchlike- such-and-such
- such as it is* * *[sʌtʃ, sətʃ]I. adjI had never met \such a person before so [o geh solch] ein Mensch [o ein solcher Mensch] war mir noch nie begegnetI don't spend money on \such things für solche [o fam so] Dinge gebe ich kein Geld auspresent on this grand occasion were Andrew Davies, Melissa Peters and other \such stars bei diesem besonderen Anlass waren Andrew Davies, Melissa Peters und andere Stars dieser Größenordnung zugegenI have been involved in many \such courses ich habe [schon] viele Kurse dieser Art gemachthe said she had a cold, superior manner or some \such remark er sagte, sie sei kalt und überheblich, oder so etwas [o fam was] in der RichtungI tried to tell her in \such a way that she wouldn't be offended ich versuchte es ihr so zu sagen, dass sie nicht beleidigt warI'll show you \such books as I have ich zeige Ihnen, was ich an Büchern habein \such cases in solchen [o fam so] Fällen\such a thing so etwas [o fam was]I'm looking for a cloth for cleaning silver — do you have \such a thing? ich suche ein Tuch, mit dem man Silber putzen kann — führen Sie das?I said no \such thing so etwas habe ich nie gesagt, ich habe nie etwas Derartiges gesagtthere's no \such thing as ghosts so etwas wie Geister gibt es nicht2. (so great) solche(r, s), derartighe' \such an idiot! er ist so [o geh solch] ein Idiot!, er ist ein solcher [o derartiger] Idiot!why are you in \such a hurry? warum bist du so [o derart] in Eile?\such beauty is rare solche [o so viel] Schönheit ist selten3.II. pron1. (of that type) solche(r, s)we were second-class citizens and they treated us as \such wir waren Bürger zweiter Klasse und wurden auch so [o als solche] behandelt\such being the case... wenn das so ist,...\such is life so ist das Leben\such as it is so wie die Dinge liegen\such as it was, we had no alternative but to call our parents so wie die Dinge lagen, blieb uns nichts anderes übrig, als unsere Eltern anzurufenour lunch was \such that we don't really need an evening meal unser Mittagessen war so üppig, dass wir kein Abendessen brauchenthe wound was \such that... die Wunde war so groß, dass...\such is the elegance of his typeface that... seine Schrift ist so elegant, dass...\such as wiesmall companies \such as ours are very vulnerable in a recession Kleinunternehmen wie unseres sind äußerst rezessionsanfälligthat sum of money is to cover costs \such as travel and accommodation dieser Betrag soll Auslagen wie Reise- und Unterbringungskosten abdecken3. (suchlike) dergleichenwe talked about our kids, the weather and \such wir sprachen über unsere Kinder, das Wetter und Ähnliches [o dergleichen4. (strictly speaking)▪ as \such an [und für] sich, eigentlichwe don't have a secretary as \such wir haben eigentlich [o an [und für] sich] keine richtige Sekretärinthere was no vegetarian food as \such es gab kein eigentlich vegetarisches Essen5.▶ \such as it is:you're welcome to borrow my tennis racket, \such as it is du kannst dir gerne meinen Tennisschläger ausborgen — soweit er überhaupt noch viel taugtbreakfast, \such as it was, consisted of a couple of croissants and a cup of coffee das Frühstück, soweit vorhanden, bestand aus ein paar Croissants und einer Tasse Kaffeethe car, \such as it is, will get you to work auch wenn das Auto nicht mehr viel taugt, kannst du damit immer noch zur Arbeit fahrenshe's \such an arrogant person sie ist so [o dermaßen] arrogantthat's \such a good film das ist so ein [o ein wirklich] guter Film\such a big city! was für eine große Stadt!I've never had \such good coffee ich habe noch nie [einen] so guten Kaffee getrunkenit's \such a long time ago es ist [schon] so lange herto be \such a long way [away] so weit weg seinI'd put on \such a lot of weight that... ich hatte so [o dermaßen] viel zugenommen, dass...\such nice weather so schönes Wetterit was \such nice weather that... das Wetter war so schön, dass...\such that... so [o auf die Art]... dass...we still have to link the sentences \such that they constitute a narrative wir müssen die Sätze noch so verbinden, dass sie eine Erzählung ergeben* * *[sʌtʃ]1. adj1) (= of that kind) solche(r, s)such a person — so or solch ein Mensch, ein solcher Mensch
such a book — so ein Buch, ein solches Buch
such people/books — solche Leute/Bücher
many/few/all such people/books — viele/wenige/all solche Leute/Bücher
all such books are very expensive —
such a thing — so etwas, so was
have you got such a thing as...? there's such a thing as divorce — haben Sie so etwas wie...? es gibt so etwas wie eine Scheidung
I'll/you'll do no such thing — ich werde mich/du wirst dich hüten
... or some such idea —... oder so etwas,... oder so was in der Richtung (inf),... oder so ähnlich
... or some such name/place —... oder so (ähnlich)
he was such a one/just such another — er war einer von ihnen/auch (so) einer
men/books such as these, such men/books as these — Männer/Bücher wie diese, solche Männer/Bücher
writers such as Agatha Christie, such writers as Agatha Christie —
he's not such a fool as you think — er ist nicht so dumm, wie Sie denken
I'm not such a fool as to believe that or that I'd believe that — ich bin nicht so dumm or kein solcher Dummkopf, dass ich das glaube
such people as attended — die(jenigen), die anwesend waren
I'll give you such books/money as I have — was ich an Büchern/Geld habe, gebe ich Ihnen
2)(= so much, so great etc)
he's such a liar — er ist so or solch ein Lügner, er ist ein derartiger or solcher Lügnerhe did it in such a way that... — er machte es so, dass...
such wealth! — welch( ein) Reichtum!
3) predhis surprise was such that..., such was his surprise that... — seine Überraschung war so groß, dass..., er war so überrascht, dass...
his manner was such that... —
her speech was such that... — ihre Rede war so gehalten, dass...
4)See:2. advso, solch (geh)3. pronrabbits and hares and such — Kaninchen, Hasen und dergleichen
such being the case... —
such was not my intention — dies war nicht meine Absicht
such as it is — so, wie es nun mal ist
the food, such as there was of it... —
I'll give you such as I have — ich gebe Ihnen, was ich habe
* * *such [sʌtʃ]A adj1. solch(er, e, es), derartig(er, e, es):such a man ein solcher Mann;no such thing nichts dergleichen;there are such things so etwas gibt es oder kommt vor;such a life as they live ein Leben, wie sie es führen;such people as you see here die(jenigen) oder alle Leute, die man hier sieht;a system such as this ein derartiges System;such a one ein solcher, eine solche, ein solches;Mr such and such Herr Soundso;such and such persons die und die Personen2. ähnlich, derartig(er, e, es):such is life so ist das Leben;such as it is wie es nun einmal ist;such being the case da es sich so verhälthe got such a fright that … er bekam einen derartigen Schrecken, dass …;such was the force of the explosion so groß war die Gewalt der Explosion5. umg so gewaltig, solch:we had such fun! wir hatten (ja) so einen Spaß!B adv so, derart:such a nice day so ein schöner Tag;such a long time eine so lange ZeitC pron1. solch(er, e, es), der, die, das, die pl:a) diejenigen, welche; alle, die; solche, die,b) wie (zum Beispiel);such was not my intention das war nicht meine Absicht;man as such der Mensch als solcher;all such alle dieser Art;and such (like) und dergleichen2. umg oder WIRTSCH der-, die-, dasselbe, dieselben pl* * *1. adjective, no compar. or superl.1) (of that kind) solch...such a person — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Mensch; ein solcher Mensch
such a book — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Buch; ein solches Buch
or some such thing — oder so etwas; oder etwas in der Art
there is no such bird — solch einen od. einen solchen Vogel gibt es nicht
experiences such as these — solche od. derartige Erfahrungen
I will take such steps as I think necessary — ich werde die Schritte unternehmen, die ich für notwendig halte
at such a moment as this — in einem Augenblick wie diesem; (disapproving) gerade jetzt
in such a case — in einem solchen od. (ugs.) so einem Fall
for or on such an occasion — zu einem solchen Anlass
such a one as he/she is impossible to replace — jemand wie er/sie ist unersetzlich
2) (so great) solch...; derartigI got such a fright that... — ich bekam einen derartigen od. (ugs.) so einen Schrecken, dass...
such was the force of the explosion that... — die Explosion war so stark, dass...
3) with adj. so2. pronounas such — als solcher/solche/solches; (strictly speaking) im Grunde genommen; an sich
such as — wie [zum Beispiel]
* * *adj.derartig adj.solch adj.solcher adj.solches adj. -
2 such
/sʌtʃ/ * tính từ - như thế, như vậy, như loại đó =such people as these+ những người như thế =experiences such as this are rare+ những kinh nghiệm như vật rất hiếm =I've never seen such a thing+ tôi chưa thấy một việc như thế bao giờ =don't be in such a hurry+ không phải vội vã đến thế - thật là, quả là =such a beautiful day!+ một ngày thật là đẹp! - đến nỗi =the oppression was such as to make everyone rise up+ sự áp bức tàn bạo đến nỗi làm cho mọi người phải nổi dậy =he told such a strange story that nobody believed it+ anh ấy kể một câu chuyện lạ lùng đến nỗi không ai tin được - (như) such-and-such !such father such son - cha nào con nấy !such master such servant - thầy nào tớ ấy * danh từ - cái đó, điều đó, những cái đó, những thứ đó; những cái như vậy, những điều như vậy =I may have offended, but such was not my intention+ tôi có thể làm mất lòng đấy, nhưng (cái) đó không phải là chủ định của tôi =customers who are not satisfied with the goods bought can change such, if unused+ khách hàng nào không vừa lòng với hàng đã mua có thể đổi những thứ đó, nếu chưa dùng - (từ cổ,nghĩa cổ); (thơ ca); (văn học) những ai, ai =let such as have any objections take the floor+ những ai có ý kiến phản đối xin mời phát biểu !all such - những người như thế !as such - như vậy, như thế, với cương vị như thế -
3 Thinking
But what then am I? A thing which thinks. What is a thing which thinks? It is a thing which doubts, understands, [conceives], affirms, denies, wills, refuses, which also imagines and feels. (Descartes, 1951, p. 153)I have been trying in all this to remove the temptation to think that there "must be" a mental process of thinking, hoping, wishing, believing, etc., independent of the process of expressing a thought, a hope, a wish, etc.... If we scrutinize the usages which we make of "thinking," "meaning," "wishing," etc., going through this process rids us of the temptation to look for a peculiar act of thinking, independent of the act of expressing our thoughts, and stowed away in some particular medium. (Wittgenstein, 1958, pp. 41-43)Analyse the proofs employed by the subject. If they do not go beyond observation of empirical correspondences, they can be fully explained in terms of concrete operations, and nothing would warrant our assuming that more complex thought mechanisms are operating. If, on the other hand, the subject interprets a given correspondence as the result of any one of several possible combinations, and this leads him to verify his hypotheses by observing their consequences, we know that propositional operations are involved. (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958, p. 279)In every age, philosophical thinking exploits some dominant concepts and makes its greatest headway in solving problems conceived in terms of them. The seventeenth- and eighteenth-century philosophers construed knowledge, knower, and known in terms of sense data and their association. Descartes' self-examination gave classical psychology the mind and its contents as a starting point. Locke set up sensory immediacy as the new criterion of the real... Hobbes provided the genetic method of building up complex ideas from simple ones... and, in another quarter, still true to the Hobbesian method, Pavlov built intellect out of conditioned reflexes and Loeb built life out of tropisms. (S. Langer, 1962, p. 54)Experiments on deductive reasoning show that subjects are influenced sufficiently by their experience for their reasoning to differ from that described by a purely deductive system, whilst experiments on inductive reasoning lead to the view that an understanding of the strategies used by adult subjects in attaining concepts involves reference to higher-order concepts of a logical and deductive nature. (Bolton, 1972, p. 154)There are now machines in the world that think, that learn and create. Moreover, their ability to do these things is going to increase rapidly until-in the visible future-the range of problems they can handle will be coextensive with the range to which the human mind has been applied. (Newell & Simon, quoted in Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 138)But how does it happen that thinking is sometimes accompanied by action and sometimes not, sometimes by motion, and sometimes not? It looks as if almost the same thing happens as in the case of reasoning and making inferences about unchanging objects. But in that case the end is a speculative proposition... whereas here the conclusion which results from the two premises is an action.... I need covering; a cloak is a covering. I need a cloak. What I need, I have to make; I need a cloak. I have to make a cloak. And the conclusion, the "I have to make a cloak," is an action. (Nussbaum, 1978, p. 40)It is well to remember that when philosophy emerged in Greece in the sixth century, B.C., it did not burst suddenly out of the Mediterranean blue. The development of societies of reasoning creatures-what we call civilization-had been a process to be measured not in thousands but in millions of years. Human beings became civilized as they became reasonable, and for an animal to begin to reason and to learn how to improve its reasoning is a long, slow process. So thinking had been going on for ages before Greece-slowly improving itself, uncovering the pitfalls to be avoided by forethought, endeavoring to weigh alternative sets of consequences intellectually. What happened in the sixth century, B.C., is that thinking turned round on itself; people began to think about thinking, and the momentous event, the culmination of the long process to that point, was in fact the birth of philosophy. (Lipman, Sharp & Oscanyan, 1980, p. xi)The way to look at thought is not to assume that there is a parallel thread of correlated affects or internal experiences that go with it in some regular way. It's not of course that people don't have internal experiences, of course they do; but that when you ask what is the state of mind of someone, say while he or she is performing a ritual, it's hard to believe that such experiences are the same for all people involved.... The thinking, and indeed the feeling in an odd sort of way, is really going on in public. They are really saying what they're saying, doing what they're doing, meaning what they're meaning. Thought is, in great part anyway, a public activity. (Geertz, quoted in J. Miller, 1983, pp. 202-203)Everything should be made as simple as possible, but not simpler. (Einstein, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 17)What, in effect, are the conditions for the construction of formal thought? The child must not only apply operations to objects-in other words, mentally execute possible actions on them-he must also "reflect" those operations in the absence of the objects which are replaced by pure propositions. Thus, "reflection" is thought raised to the second power. Concrete thinking is the representation of a possible action, and formal thinking is the representation of a representation of possible action.... It is not surprising, therefore, that the system of concrete operations must be completed during the last years of childhood before it can be "reflected" by formal operations. In terms of their function, formal operations do not differ from concrete operations except that they are applied to hypotheses or propositions [whose logic is] an abstract translation of the system of "inference" that governs concrete operations. (Piaget, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 237)[E]ven a human being today (hence, a fortiori, a remote ancestor of contemporary human beings) cannot easily or ordinarily maintain uninterrupted attention on a single problem for more than a few tens of seconds. Yet we work on problems that require vastly more time. The way we do that (as we can observe by watching ourselves) requires periods of mulling to be followed by periods of recapitulation, describing to ourselves what seems to have gone on during the mulling, leading to whatever intermediate results we have reached. This has an obvious function: namely, by rehearsing these interim results... we commit them to memory, for the immediate contents of the stream of consciousness are very quickly lost unless rehearsed.... Given language, we can describe to ourselves what seemed to occur during the mulling that led to a judgment, produce a rehearsable version of the reaching-a-judgment process, and commit that to long-term memory by in fact rehearsing it. (Margolis, 1987, p. 60)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Thinking
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4 World War II
(1939-1945)In the European phase of the war, neutral Portugal contributed more to the Allied victory than historians have acknowledged. Portugal experienced severe pressures to compromise her neutrality from both the Axis and Allied powers and, on several occasions, there were efforts to force Portugal to enter the war as a belligerent. Several factors lent Portugal importance as a neutral. This was especially the case during the period from the fall of France in June 1940 to the Allied invasion and reconquest of France from June to August 1944.In four respects, Portugal became briefly a modest strategic asset for the Allies and a war materiel supplier for both sides: the country's location in the southwesternmost corner of the largely German-occupied European continent; being a transport and communication terminus, observation post for spies, and crossroads between Europe, the Atlantic, the Americas, and Africa; Portugal's strategically located Atlantic islands, the Azores, Madeira, and Cape Verde archipelagos; and having important mines of wolfram or tungsten ore, crucial for the war industry for hardening steel.To maintain strict neutrality, the Estado Novo regime dominated by Antônio de Oliveira Salazar performed a delicate balancing act. Lisbon attempted to please and cater to the interests of both sets of belligerents, but only to the extent that the concessions granted would not threaten Portugal's security or its status as a neutral. On at least two occasions, Portugal's neutrality status was threatened. First, Germany briefly considered invading Portugal and Spain during 1940-41. A second occasion came in 1943 and 1944 as Great Britain, backed by the United States, pressured Portugal to grant war-related concessions that threatened Portugal's status of strict neutrality and would possibly bring Portugal into the war on the Allied side. Nazi Germany's plan ("Operation Felix") to invade the Iberian Peninsula from late 1940 into 1941 was never executed, but the Allies occupied and used several air and naval bases in Portugal's Azores Islands.The second major crisis for Portugal's neutrality came with increasing Allied pressures for concessions from the summer of 1943 to the summer of 1944. Led by Britain, Portugal's oldest ally, Portugal was pressured to grant access to air and naval bases in the Azores Islands. Such bases were necessary to assist the Allies in winning the Battle of the Atlantic, the naval war in which German U-boats continued to destroy Allied shipping. In October 1943, following tedious negotiations, British forces began to operate such bases and, in November 1944, American forces were allowed to enter the islands. Germany protested and made threats, but there was no German attack.Tensions rose again in the spring of 1944, when the Allies demanded that Lisbon cease exporting wolfram to Germany. Salazar grew agitated, considered resigning, and argued that Portugal had made a solemn promise to Germany that wolfram exports would be continued and that Portugal could not break its pledge. The Portuguese ambassador in London concluded that the shipping of wolfram to Germany was "the price of neutrality." Fearing that a still-dangerous Germany could still attack Portugal, Salazar ordered the banning of the mining, sale, and exports of wolfram not only to Germany but to the Allies as of 6 June 1944.Portugal did not enter the war as a belligerent, and its forces did not engage in combat, but some Portuguese experienced directly or indirectly the impact of fighting. Off Portugal or near her Atlantic islands, Portuguese naval personnel or commercial fishermen rescued at sea hundreds of victims of U-boat sinkings of Allied shipping in the Atlantic. German U-boats sank four or five Portuguese merchant vessels as well and, in 1944, a U-boat stopped, boarded, searched, and forced the evacuation of a Portuguese ocean liner, the Serpa Pinto, in mid-Atlantic. Filled with refugees, the liner was not sunk but several passengers lost their lives and the U-boat kidnapped two of the ship's passengers, Portuguese Americans of military age, and interned them in a prison camp. As for involvement in a theater of war, hundreds of inhabitants were killed and wounded in remote East Timor, a Portuguese colony near Indonesia, which was invaded, annexed, and ruled by Japanese forces between February 1942 and August 1945. In other incidents, scores of Allied military planes, out of fuel or damaged in air combat, crashed or were forced to land in neutral Portugal. Air personnel who did not survive such crashes were buried in Portuguese cemeteries or in the English Cemetery, Lisbon.Portugal's peripheral involvement in largely nonbelligerent aspects of the war accelerated social, economic, and political change in Portugal's urban society. It strengthened political opposition to the dictatorship among intellectual and working classes, and it obliged the regime to bolster political repression. The general economic and financial status of Portugal, too, underwent improvements since creditor Britain, in order to purchase wolfram, foods, and other materials needed during the war, became indebted to Portugal. When Britain repaid this debt after the war, Portugal was able to restore and expand its merchant fleet. Unlike most of Europe, ravaged by the worst war in human history, Portugal did not suffer heavy losses of human life, infrastructure, and property. Unlike even her neighbor Spain, badly shaken by its terrible Civil War (1936-39), Portugal's immediate postwar condition was more favorable, especially in urban areas, although deep-seated poverty remained.Portugal experienced other effects, especially during 1939-42, as there was an influx of about a million war refugees, an infestation of foreign spies and other secret agents from 60 secret intelligence services, and the residence of scores of international journalists who came to report the war from Lisbon. There was also the growth of war-related mining (especially wolfram and tin). Portugal's media eagerly reported the war and, by and large, despite government censorship, the Portuguese print media favored the Allied cause. Portugal's standard of living underwent some improvement, although price increases were unpopular.The silent invasion of several thousand foreign spies, in addition to the hiring of many Portuguese as informants and spies, had fascinating outcomes. "Spyland" Portugal, especially when Portugal was a key point for communicating with occupied Europe (1940-44), witnessed some unusual events, and spying for foreigners at least briefly became a national industry. Until mid-1944, when Allied forces invaded France, Portugal was the only secure entry point from across the Atlantic to Europe or to the British Isles, as well as the escape hatch for refugees, spies, defectors, and others fleeing occupied Europe or Vichy-controlled Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. Through Portugal by car, ship, train, or scheduled civil airliner one could travel to and from Spain or to Britain, or one could leave through Portugal, the westernmost continental country of Europe, to seek refuge across the Atlantic in the Americas.The wartime Portuguese scene was a colorful melange of illegal activities, including espionage, the black market, war propaganda, gambling, speculation, currency counterfeiting, diamond and wolfram smuggling, prostitution, and the drug and arms trade, and they were conducted by an unusual cast of characters. These included refugees, some of whom were spies, smugglers, diplomats, and business people, many from foreign countries seeking things they could find only in Portugal: information, affordable food, shelter, and security. German agents who contacted Allied sailors in the port of Lisbon sought to corrupt and neutralize these men and, if possible, recruit them as spies, and British intelligence countered this effort. Britain's MI-6 established a new kind of "safe house" to protect such Allied crews from German espionage and venereal disease infection, an approved and controlled house of prostitution in Lisbon's bairro alto district.Foreign observers and writers were impressed with the exotic, spy-ridden scene in Lisbon, as well as in Estoril on the Sun Coast (Costa do Sol), west of Lisbon harbor. What they observed appeared in noted autobiographical works and novels, some written during and some after the war. Among notable writers and journalists who visited or resided in wartime Portugal were Hungarian writer and former communist Arthur Koestler, on the run from the Nazi's Gestapo; American radio broadcaster-journalist Eric Sevareid; novelist and Hollywood script-writer Frederick Prokosch; American diplomat George Kennan; Rumanian cultural attache and later scholar of mythology Mircea Eliade; and British naval intelligence officer and novelist-to-be Ian Fleming. Other notable visiting British intelligence officers included novelist Graham Greene; secret Soviet agent in MI-6 and future defector to the Soviet Union Harold "Kim" Philby; and writer Malcolm Muggeridge. French letters were represented by French writer and airman, Antoine Saint-Exupery and French playwright, Jean Giroudoux. Finally, Aquilino Ribeiro, one of Portugal's premier contemporary novelists, wrote about wartime Portugal, including one sensational novel, Volframio, which portrayed the profound impact of the exploitation of the mineral wolfram on Portugal's poor, still backward society.In Estoril, Portugal, the idea for the world's most celebrated fictitious spy, James Bond, was probably first conceived by Ian Fleming. Fleming visited Portugal several times after 1939 on Naval Intelligence missions, and later he dreamed up the James Bond character and stories. Background for the early novels in the James Bond series was based in part on people and places Fleming observed in Portugal. A key location in Fleming's first James Bond novel, Casino Royale (1953) is the gambling Casino of Estoril. In addition, one aspect of the main plot, the notion that a spy could invent "secret" intelligence for personal profit, was observed as well by the British novelist and former MI-6 officer, while engaged in operations in wartime Portugal. Greene later used this information in his 1958 spy novel, Our Man in Havana, as he observed enemy agents who fabricated "secrets" for money.Thus, Portugal's World War II experiences introduced the country and her people to a host of new peoples, ideas, products, and influences that altered attitudes and quickened the pace of change in this quiet, largely tradition-bound, isolated country. The 1943-45 connections established during the Allied use of air and naval bases in Portugal's Azores Islands were a prelude to Portugal's postwar membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). -
5 Memory
To what extent can we lump together what goes on when you try to recall: (1) your name; (2) how you kick a football; and (3) the present location of your car keys? If we use introspective evidence as a guide, the first seems an immediate automatic response. The second may require constructive internal replay prior to our being able to produce a verbal description. The third... quite likely involves complex operational responses under the control of some general strategy system. Is any unitary search process, with a single set of characteristics and inputoutput relations, likely to cover all these cases? (Reitman, 1970, p. 485)[Semantic memory] Is a mental thesaurus, organized knowledge a person possesses about words and other verbal symbols, their meanings and referents, about relations among them, and about rules, formulas, and algorithms for the manipulation of these symbols, concepts, and relations. Semantic memory does not register perceptible properties of inputs, but rather cognitive referents of input signals. (Tulving, 1972, p. 386)The mnemonic code, far from being fixed and unchangeable, is structured and restructured along with general development. Such a restructuring of the code takes place in close dependence on the schemes of intelligence. The clearest indication of this is the observation of different types of memory organisation in accordance with the age level of a child so that a longer interval of retention without any new presentation, far from causing a deterioration of memory, may actually improve it. (Piaget & Inhelder, 1973, p. 36)4) The Logic of Some Memory Theorization Is of Dubious Worth in the History of PsychologyIf a cue was effective in memory retrieval, then one could infer it was encoded; if a cue was not effective, then it was not encoded. The logic of this theorization is "heads I win, tails you lose" and is of dubious worth in the history of psychology. We might ask how long scientists will puzzle over questions with no answers. (Solso, 1974, p. 28)We have iconic, echoic, active, working, acoustic, articulatory, primary, secondary, episodic, semantic, short-term, intermediate-term, and longterm memories, and these memories contain tags, traces, images, attributes, markers, concepts, cognitive maps, natural-language mediators, kernel sentences, relational rules, nodes, associations, propositions, higher-order memory units, and features. (Eysenck, 1977, p. 4)The problem with the memory metaphor is that storage and retrieval of traces only deals [ sic] with old, previously articulated information. Memory traces can perhaps provide a basis for dealing with the "sameness" of the present experience with previous experiences, but the memory metaphor has no mechanisms for dealing with novel information. (Bransford, McCarrell, Franks & Nitsch, 1977, p. 434)7) The Results of a Hundred Years of the Psychological Study of Memory Are Somewhat DiscouragingThe results of a hundred years of the psychological study of memory are somewhat discouraging. We have established firm empirical generalisations, but most of them are so obvious that every ten-year-old knows them anyway. We have made discoveries, but they are only marginally about memory; in many cases we don't know what to do with them, and wear them out with endless experimental variations. We have an intellectually impressive group of theories, but history offers little confidence that they will provide any meaningful insight into natural behavior. (Neisser, 1978, pp. 12-13)A schema, then is a data structure for representing the generic concepts stored in memory. There are schemata representing our knowledge about all concepts; those underlying objects, situations, events, sequences of events, actions and sequences of actions. A schema contains, as part of its specification, the network of interrelations that is believed to normally hold among the constituents of the concept in question. A schema theory embodies a prototype theory of meaning. That is, inasmuch as a schema underlying a concept stored in memory corresponds to the mean ing of that concept, meanings are encoded in terms of the typical or normal situations or events that instantiate that concept. (Rumelhart, 1980, p. 34)Memory appears to be constrained by a structure, a "syntax," perhaps at quite a low level, but it is free to be variable, deviant, even erratic at a higher level....Like the information system of language, memory can be explained in part by the abstract rules which underlie it, but only in part. The rules provide a basic competence, but they do not fully determine performance. (Campbell, 1982, pp. 228, 229)When people think about the mind, they often liken it to a physical space, with memories and ideas as objects contained within that space. Thus, we speak of ideas being in the dark corners or dim recesses of our minds, and of holding ideas in mind. Ideas may be in the front or back of our minds, or they may be difficult to grasp. With respect to the processes involved in memory, we talk about storing memories, of searching or looking for lost memories, and sometimes of finding them. An examination of common parlance, therefore, suggests that there is general adherence to what might be called the spatial metaphor. The basic assumptions of this metaphor are that memories are treated as objects stored in specific locations within the mind, and the retrieval process involves a search through the mind in order to find specific memories....However, while the spatial metaphor has shown extraordinary longevity, there have been some interesting changes over time in the precise form of analogy used. In particular, technological advances have influenced theoretical conceptualisations.... The original Greek analogies were based on wax tablets and aviaries; these were superseded by analogies involving switchboards, gramophones, tape recorders, libraries, conveyor belts, and underground maps. Most recently, the workings of human memory have been compared to computer functioning... and it has been suggested that the various memory stores found in computers have their counterparts in the human memory system. (Eysenck, 1984, pp. 79-80)Primary memory [as proposed by William James] relates to information that remains in consciousness after it has been perceived, and thus forms part of the psychological present, whereas secondary memory contains information about events that have left consciousness, and are therefore part of the psychological past. (Eysenck, 1984, p. 86)Once psychologists began to study long-term memory per se, they realized it may be divided into two main categories.... Semantic memories have to do with our general knowledge about the working of the world. We know what cars do, what stoves do, what the laws of gravity are, and so on. Episodic memories are largely events that took place at a time and place in our personal history. Remembering specific events about our own actions, about our family, and about our individual past falls into this category. With amnesia or in aging, what dims... is our personal episodic memories, save for those that are especially dear or painful to us. Our knowledge of how the world works remains pretty much intact. (Gazzaniga, 1988, p. 42)The nature of memory... provides a natural starting point for an analysis of thinking. Memory is the repository of many of the beliefs and representations that enter into thinking, and the retrievability of these representations can limit the quality of our thought. (Smith, 1990, p. 1)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Memory
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6 Computers
The brain has been compared to a digital computer because the neuron, like a switch or valve, either does or does not complete a circuit. But at that point the similarity ends. The switch in the digital computer is constant in its effect, and its effect is large in proportion to the total output of the machine. The effect produced by the neuron varies with its recovery from [the] refractory phase and with its metabolic state. The number of neurons involved in any action runs into millions so that the influence of any one is negligible.... Any cell in the system can be dispensed with.... The brain is an analogical machine, not digital. Analysis of the integrative activities will probably have to be in statistical terms. (Lashley, quoted in Beach, Hebb, Morgan & Nissen, 1960, p. 539)It is essential to realize that a computer is not a mere "number cruncher," or supercalculating arithmetic machine, although this is how computers are commonly regarded by people having no familiarity with artificial intelligence. Computers do not crunch numbers; they manipulate symbols.... Digital computers originally developed with mathematical problems in mind, are in fact general purpose symbol manipulating machines....The terms "computer" and "computation" are themselves unfortunate, in view of their misleading arithmetical connotations. The definition of artificial intelligence previously cited-"the study of intelligence as computation"-does not imply that intelligence is really counting. Intelligence may be defined as the ability creatively to manipulate symbols, or process information, given the requirements of the task in hand. (Boden, 1981, pp. 15, 16-17)The task is to get computers to explain things to themselves, to ask questions about their experiences so as to cause those explanations to be forthcoming, and to be creative in coming up with explanations that have not been previously available. (Schank, 1986, p. 19)In What Computers Can't Do, written in 1969 (2nd edition, 1972), the main objection to AI was the impossibility of using rules to select only those facts about the real world that were relevant in a given situation. The "Introduction" to the paperback edition of the book, published by Harper & Row in 1979, pointed out further that no one had the slightest idea how to represent the common sense understanding possessed even by a four-year-old. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 102)A popular myth says that the invention of the computer diminishes our sense of ourselves, because it shows that rational thought is not special to human beings, but can be carried on by a mere machine. It is a short stop from there to the conclusion that intelligence is mechanical, which many people find to be an affront to all that is most precious and singular about their humanness.In fact, the computer, early in its career, was not an instrument of the philistines, but a humanizing influence. It helped to revive an idea that had fallen into disrepute: the idea that the mind is real, that it has an inner structure and a complex organization, and can be understood in scientific terms. For some three decades, until the 1940s, American psychology had lain in the grip of the ice age of behaviorism, which was antimental through and through. During these years, extreme behaviorists banished the study of thought from their agenda. Mind and consciousness, thinking, imagining, planning, solving problems, were dismissed as worthless for anything except speculation. Only the external aspects of behavior, the surface manifestations, were grist for the scientist's mill, because only they could be observed and measured....It is one of the surprising gifts of the computer in the history of ideas that it played a part in giving back to psychology what it had lost, which was nothing less than the mind itself. In particular, there was a revival of interest in how the mind represents the world internally to itself, by means of knowledge structures such as ideas, symbols, images, and inner narratives, all of which had been consigned to the realm of mysticism. (Campbell, 1989, p. 10)[Our artifacts] only have meaning because we give it to them; their intentionality, like that of smoke signals and writing, is essentially borrowed, hence derivative. To put it bluntly: computers themselves don't mean anything by their tokens (any more than books do)-they only mean what we say they do. Genuine understanding, on the other hand, is intentional "in its own right" and not derivatively from something else. (Haugeland, 1981a, pp. 32-33)he debate over the possibility of computer thought will never be won or lost; it will simply cease to be of interest, like the previous debate over man as a clockwork mechanism. (Bolter, 1984, p. 190)t takes us a long time to emotionally digest a new idea. The computer is too big a step, and too recently made, for us to quickly recover our balance and gauge its potential. It's an enormous accelerator, perhaps the greatest one since the plow, twelve thousand years ago. As an intelligence amplifier, it speeds up everything-including itself-and it continually improves because its heart is information or, more plainly, ideas. We can no more calculate its consequences than Babbage could have foreseen antibiotics, the Pill, or space stations.Further, the effects of those ideas are rapidly compounding, because a computer design is itself just a set of ideas. As we get better at manipulating ideas by building ever better computers, we get better at building even better computers-it's an ever-escalating upward spiral. The early nineteenth century, when the computer's story began, is already so far back that it may as well be the Stone Age. (Rawlins, 1997, p. 19)According to weak AI, the principle value of the computer in the study of the mind is that it gives us a very powerful tool. For example, it enables us to formulate and test hypotheses in a more rigorous and precise fashion than before. But according to strong AI the computer is not merely a tool in the study of the mind; rather the appropriately programmed computer really is a mind in the sense that computers given the right programs can be literally said to understand and have other cognitive states. And according to strong AI, because the programmed computer has cognitive states, the programs are not mere tools that enable us to test psychological explanations; rather, the programs are themselves the explanations. (Searle, 1981b, p. 353)What makes people smarter than machines? They certainly are not quicker or more precise. Yet people are far better at perceiving objects in natural scenes and noting their relations, at understanding language and retrieving contextually appropriate information from memory, at making plans and carrying out contextually appropriate actions, and at a wide range of other natural cognitive tasks. People are also far better at learning to do these things more accurately and fluently through processing experience.What is the basis for these differences? One answer, perhaps the classic one we might expect from artificial intelligence, is "software." If we only had the right computer program, the argument goes, we might be able to capture the fluidity and adaptability of human information processing. Certainly this answer is partially correct. There have been great breakthroughs in our understanding of cognition as a result of the development of expressive high-level computer languages and powerful algorithms. However, we do not think that software is the whole story.In our view, people are smarter than today's computers because the brain employs a basic computational architecture that is more suited to deal with a central aspect of the natural information processing tasks that people are so good at.... hese tasks generally require the simultaneous consideration of many pieces of information or constraints. Each constraint may be imperfectly specified and ambiguous, yet each can play a potentially decisive role in determining the outcome of processing. (McClelland, Rumelhart & Hinton, 1986, pp. 3-4)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Computers
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7 Synesthesia
t is because such diverse sensory experiences as a white circle (rather than black), a straight line (rather than crooked), a rising melody (rather than a falling one), a sweet taste (rather than a sour one), a caressing touch (rather than an irritating scratch)-it is because all these diverse experiences can share a common affective meaning that one easily and lawfully translates from one sensory modality into another in synesthesia and metaphor.... In other words, the "common market in meaning" seems to be based firmly in the biological systems of emotional and purposive behavior that all humans share. (Osgood, 1966, pp. 309-310)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Synesthesia
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8 Mind-body Problem
From this I knew that I was a substance the whole essence or nature of which is to think, and that for its existence there is no need of any place, nor does it depend on any material thing; so that this "me," that is to say, the soul by which I am what I am, is entirely distinct from body, and is even more easy to know than is the latter; and even if body were not, the soul would not cease to be what it is. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 101)still remains to be explained how that union and apparent intermingling [of mind and body]... can be found in you, if you are incorporeal, unextended and indivisible.... How, at least, can you be united with the brain, or some minute part in it, which (as has been said) must yet have some magnitude or extension, however small it be? If you are wholly without parts how can you mix or appear to mix with its minute subdivisions? For there is no mixture unless each of the things to be mixed has parts that can mix with one another. (Gassendi, 1970, p. 201)here are... certain things which we experience in ourselves and which should be attributed neither to the mind nor body alone, but to the close and intimate union that exists between the body and the mind.... Such are the appetites of hunger, thirst, etc., and also the emotions or passions of the mind which do not subsist in mind or thought alone... and finally all the sensations. (Descartes, 1970b, p. 238)With any other sort of mind, absolute Intelligence, Mind unattached to a particular body, or Mind not subject to the course of time, the psychologist as such has nothing to do. (James, 1890, p. 183)[The] intention is to furnish a psychology that shall be a natural science: that is to represent psychical processes as quantitatively determinate states of specifiable material particles, thus making these processes perspicuous and free from contradiction. (Freud, 1966, p. 295)The thesis is that the mental is nomologically irreducible: there may be true general statements relating the mental and the physical, statements that have the logical form of a law; but they are not lawlike (in a strong sense to be described). If by absurdly remote chance we were to stumble on a non-stochastic true psychophysical generalization, we would have no reason to believe it more than roughly true. (Davidson, 1970, p. 90)We can divide those who uphold the doctrine that men are machines, or a similar doctrine, into two categories: those who deny the existence of mental events, or personal experiences, or of consciousness;... and those who admit the existence of mental events, but assert that they are "epiphenomena"-that everything can be explained without them, since the material world is causally closed. (Popper & Eccles, 1977, p. 5)Mind affects brain and brain affects mind. That is the message, and by accepting it you commit yourself to a special view of the world. It is a view that shows the limits of the genetic imperative on what we turn out to be, both intellectually and emotionally. It decrees that, while the secrets of our genes express themselves with force throughout our lives, the effect of that information on our bodies can be influenced by our psychological history and beliefs about the world. And, just as important, the other side of the same coin argues that what we construct in our minds as objective reality may simply be our interpretations of certain bodily states dictated by our genes and expressed through our physical brains and body. Put differently, various attributes of mind that seem to have a purely psychological origin are frequently a product of the brain's interpreter rationalizing genetically driven body states. Make no mistake about it: this two-sided view of mind-brain interactions, if adopted, has implications for the management of one's personal life. (Gazzaniga, 1988, p. 229)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Mind-body Problem
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9 miedoso
miedoso
◊ -sa adjetivo: ¡no seas miedoso! no te va a hacer daño don't be frightened o scared! it won't hurt you;¡qué miedoso es! he's such a coward! ■ sustantivo masculino, femenino coward, scaredy cat (colloq)
miedoso,-a adjetivo fearful, cowardly: sus terribles vivencias le han vuelto bastante miedoso, the terrible experiences that he has been through have made him fearful ' miedoso' also found in these entries: Spanish: cagada - cagado - miedosa English: fearful
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